By: Stephen T. Fomba
In my September 2019 article published by Politico Sierra Leone, Why Third Parties Fail in Sierra Leone, I identified five reasons why political parties other than SLPP and APC fail to win State House at the ballot box: Winner-takes-all System, Lack of Resources, Perception of Power-sharing, Likelihood of Success, and Politics of Familiarity.
Those challenges, however, have not deterred some Sierra Leoneans from establishing new political parties to challenge the status quo. As a matter of fact, Sierra Leonean voters in 2018 had 14 other political colors to choose from, besides the SLPP green and the APC red. Despite the alternative choices, almost 86% of valid votes were cast for SLPP (43.26%) and APC (42.68%). The remaining 14% of the votes were divided among the 14 parties known as third forces.
Of the abovementioned 14% votes, the National Grand Coalition Party (NGC)—the newest party in the country, formed just six months before the 2018 elections—won about 49% and secured four parliamentary seats. Although the NGC achievements were a success, especially when we calculate other factors that hindered its ability to compete against the two giants such as the dual nationality (2 Sim) saga and the divisive ethno-regional politics, many Sierra Leoneans labeled the project as unsuccessful because of their implausible expectations of that party’s populist flagbearer, Dr. Kandeh Yumkella. In fact, a cross-section of SLPP and APC members and other Sierra Leoneans argued that NGC would have no relevance in opposition and will wither away and become inapt as other third forces before it, like UNPP, PDP, PMDC and UDM had. Remarkably, NGC is in relevance equal to, if not greater than, the main opposition APC.
The National Grand Coalition Party (NGC), Coalition for Change (C4C), and Independent MPs joined the All People’s Congress (APC) in Parliament to form an opposition in the Fifth Parliament of the Second Republic like no other parliamentary composition in democratic Sierra Leone. But being effective in opposition in countries where democracy is fragile requires more than populism and good election results.
In my article, Retaliatory Politics: A Failed Political Model, I highlighted challenges that both SLPP and APC endure at the hands of the other when in opposition. Both parties have used political power and government resources to suppress those in opposition. Thus, the effectiveness and fate of the opposition parties since the inauguration of President Julius Maada Bio in 2018 is worth analyzing and discussing.
Both presidential candidates of the Coalition for Change (C4C) and Alliance Democratic Party (ADP) finished fourth and fifth, respectively, and scored political relevance during the 2018 elections and thereafter. The C4C Party got its strength from its political base, Kono District, where it won eight of the nine parliamentary seats, and the former Vice President, Samuel Sam-Sumana, as its leader. Despite his expulsion from APC, launching personal attacks against his former boss and Party Chairman, President Ernest Bai Koroma, and contesting against APC, Sam-Sumana has since left the party he founded and returned to the APC in all but name. To make matters more befuddling, the C4C leadership seems to be divided in many ways, especially in Parliament. While a cross-section of the C4C support base and national executive are still sympathetic to Sam-Sumana, others are not so sure if their leader’s reconciliatory politics is a solution to the change they desire.
The ADP gained popularity through its outspoken leader, Mohamed Kamaraimba Mansaray, who was known widely for bashing APC, his former party, when his bid for that party’s presidential flag was snubbed by the APC in power at the time. Kamaraimba continued – perhaps stepped up – his hardline criticism of the Sierra Leone Government when Bio became president. His voice was silenced by an allegation that he had a sexual relationship with a minor for which he has been in jail since July 2020. Although Kamaraimba admitted to showing care and providing financial support to the teenage girl, he denied all allegations and charges. Kamaraimba’s absence reduced the volume of the opposition.
The self-acclaimed most populous party in Sierra Leone, APC, has also experienced unique challenges in opposition, from 2018 to now. The Bio ordered Commission of Inquiry (COI) appeared to target mostly former APC government officials; rightfully so because such commissions are designed to investigate specific public interests as defined by the order of the day. The SLPP was the order of that day.
Other incidents that affected APC in opposition included the Makeni Generator Killings, Paolo Konteh’s treason trial and imprisonment, the replacement of APC-elected Parliamentarians by SLPP runner-ups, Sylvia Blyden imprisonment, Makeni blockade to deny the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) access to former President Koroma, and the ongoing ACC interest in APC’s 2018 presidential candidate and 2023 flagbearer aspirant, Samura Kamara.
The National Grand Coalition (NGC) and its populist leader, Dr. Kandeh Yumkella, have also experienced challenges in opposition. Dr Yumkella’s election to Parliament was celebrated by many Sierra Leoneans as an opportunity to challenge the corrupt powers in the legislature and reform government to what it ought to be. Unfortunately, Hon. Yumkella and his colleague NGC MPs reported being bullied and silenced by the SLPP Speaker of Parliament and Clerk of Parliament. For example, Hon. Yumkella’s Omnibus Bill was killed by the powers of Parliament at the entrance of the Well. Also, while the two-sim court case lingered on even after the 2018 elections, Hon. Yumkella was accused by SLPP of being APC in disguise—a tactic of distraction.
Despite the highlighted challenges that opposition parties have experienced since 2018, the fate of the opposition in Sierra Leone is very promising. A good number of opposition leaders continue to speak up against that which is wrong to challenge the status quo, such as Femi Claudius Cole of Unity Party, almost the entire APC leadership, including former President Koroma, and NGC’s Dr. Kandeh Yumkella and Chairman and Leader—Dr. Dennis Bright. Other opposition successes include the solidarity shown after the Makeni killings, NGC market research that analyzes the local economy, the two-sim court ruling in favor of Dr. Yumkella, and the formation of the Consortium of Progressive Political Parties (COPP) by 12 parties. The COPP is now assessing and discussing the possibilities of forming an opposition coalition to present one presidential candidate to challenge President Bio in 2023.
To continue at that level of success, opposition parties must maintain consistency in messaging, form a formidable coalition, and be strategic in making leadership change. Consistency in challenging the status quo and representing Sierra Leoneans across all regions is necessary to build trust with the voters and be accepted as a better alternative to what is. The transformation of COPP to a Coalition would demonstrate a rejection of ethno-regional politics and commitment to do more for the people by holding government accountable for not meeting the needs of its citizens. Lastly, newer parties like NGC and Unity Party should be careful about making abrupt changes to its leadership to avoid unnecessary contentions that could destroy them and weaken the opposition.
Copyright © Politico Online 17/11/21
